Norman Rockwell Rosie The Riveter Descriptive Essay

Figure 9. Guy Hoff. September 17, 1932.

Like Rockwell’s art student, this woman is taking part in an independent activity, however the image does not give any glimpse into her personality or life. Moreover, this beautifully rendered image seems more focused on her fashion and attractiveness, placing it more within the glamour cover category, with the slight modification that she happens to be on a horse. She also gazes directly out to the viewer, suggesting that what she is engaged in is not truly independent, rather her implied interaction with the viewer suggests that her actions, or appearance, are for the spectator’s benefit.

The placement of both Rockwell’s artist and Hoff’s horseback rider within their given compositions can be likened to conventions in film. In her essay “Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema,” Laura Mulvey posits a feminist take on Freudian psychoanalysis as it pertains to film. In it, she describes the convention of “active/male and passive/female” (26) in cinema. (62) She also discusses the role of space in enforcing the passive nature of female characters. Men, she argues, are often portrayed in an environment, “He is a figure in a landscape,”(27) and thus his actions and power within his environment are emphasized. A male viewer of the film, Mulvey explains “identifies with the main male protagonist, he projects his look on to that of his like, his screen surrogate…” Women in film, and evidently in many illustrations, are shown fragmented in shallower depth – a face, a leg – making her into an “icon.” The passive female in film, and visual art in general, is to satisfy the male gaze, of both the male protagonist and the male audience. Unlike many other depictions of women in magazines, Rockwell’s work generally gives all of his characters, male and female, a setting or a suggested narrative of their own, as seen in Girl Running with a Wet Canvas. In Hoff’s image, the woman is placed in a fairly shallow space, cutting off her legs and showing only enough of the horse to imply that she is riding it. It also promotes a broader suggestion of female luxury, which is a particularly interesting detail as this image falls within the Great Depression, while Rockwell’s depiction suggests a girl whose life has deadlines and stress.

There are countless other depictions of women by other illustrators in this same vein. Hoff’s cover from January 21, 1933 [Figure 10.] is almost exactly the same in all respects, except this beautiful young woman, also smiling out at the viewer, is putting on ice skates instead of riding a horse. The one difference is that the girl’s entire figure is within the frame, but still within a very shallow space. She engages the viewer through her beauty and fashionable clothing, not by her actions, as the artist did not choose to show her out on a frozen pond or even gliding across a blank page, but rather the viewer has caught her gracefully pulling on her skates.

Figure 10. Guy Hoff. January 21, 1933.

Another common narrative of the Post that women were a part of was, of course, romance. It should come as no surprise that in the 1930s, scenes that include men act in a similarly objectifying way as covers without them. They emphasize romance, fashion, beauty, and themes like marriage. An interesting cover by Rockwell from this time period is Breakfast Table. [Figure 11.]The scene shows a couple sitting together over breakfast, however the man’s face is obscured behind the newspaper he reads. The woman holds her coffee, peering off beyond the viewer with a sad, and perhaps somewhat annoyed expression at the complete lack of attention received from her husband. This is an unusual depiction from this time because the man’s face is completely hidden, making the woman’s emotion and perspective the complete focus of the painting.  Because Rockwell does this in his kindhearted and slightly comical way- the viewer does not become too sad upon looking at the image- he is encouraging empathy for this woman, presumably a housewife who wishes to converse with her husband over breakfast.

Figure 11. Norman Rockwell,                         Figure 12. E. M. Jackson, Bridal
The Breakfast Table: August 23, 1930.          Couple Dancing: June 6, 1931

Other images from the 1930s Saturday Evening Post covers that feature couples, include numerous examples by artists such as John Lagatta, McClelland Barclay, E. M. Jackson, and many others. (28) While many of these are not particularly unfair to women, they are nonetheless not particularly interesting either. They are idealized and unsurprising images of romance, marriage, and flirting. They act in a very similar way to the glamorous images that featured single female figures, focusing mainly on their attire and celebrity-like beauty. [Figure 12.]

It is not surprising that in the following decade Post covers revolved largely around images of World War II, and Norman Rockwell took a leading role in its depiction.(29) During World War II, the role of women was drastically changed. With most men away at war, there was a need for women to perform tasks that were generally done by men.(30) Magazines were encouraged to promote women fulfilling these responsibilities, in an attempt to attract more women to the workforce. This idea of the American woman was suddenly not just a mother or a housewife, but also a worker and a patriot. In her book, A Century of Women, Deborah G. Felder explains this shift in the workplace inspired by the media outreach to women:

Nearly ten million women went to work in heavy industry, maneuvering giant overhead cranes, cleaning out blast furnaces, handling munitions, driving tanks off production lines, operating drill presses, riveting, and welding. One million women worked for the federal government in offices… Many other women took over prewar “male” jobs, such as bus and truck driver, lumberjack, train conductor, gas station operator, police officer, and lifeguard.(31)

In the midst of this phenomenon of masses of women entering the work force, Rockwell created his iconic image of Rosie the Riveter.[Figure 13.] This depiction was very successful, perhaps because depicting women as intelligent, hardworking, and important was already, while perhaps subtly, present in his work. There is nothing subtle about this 1943 depiction of Rosie, who sits erect, medals around her neck, resting one muscular arm on a riveter while the other holds a sandwich to her face. Below her foot at the very bottom of the composition sits a copy of Hitler’s Mein Kampf, pressed beneath Rosie’s shoe, suggesting that she is helping in the fight against the Nazis. (32) As if the message of her strength, patriotism, and fulfillment of duty were not apparent enough in these details, a large American flag makes up the background and she wears a transparent visor, resembling a halo, raised above her head.

Figure 13. Norman Rockwell, Figure 14.J. Howard Miller, We Can Do It!:
Rosie the Riveter: May 29, 1943.                     1943.

Rockwell’s depiction of Rosie represents one of two ways that she was typically depicted. Deborah Felder explains that Rosie was either depicted in this rather unfeminine and muscular manner, like the Rockwell image, or as a more traditional feminine character wearing more form fitting cover-alls. Rockwell’s image, clearly, is a  masculine depiction. James J. Kimble and Lester C. Olson describe in their essay outlining the history and several depictions of Rosie the Riveter, that the various details of Rockwell’s depiction “suggest gender ambiguities and violations insofar as they tended to be masculine attributes…”(33) The article also explores the connection, made by other writers as well, between the composition of Rockwell’s Rosie to that of Michelangelo’s portrayal of the prophet Isaiah in the Sistine Chapel. This reference “… may tacitly reinforce the print’s masculinity and its righteousness.”(34)

One example of a more conventionally feminine Rosie, and among the most well known depictions, is by J. Howard Miller, entitled We can Do it!. (Figure 14) While this woman, like Rockwell’s Rosie, is exhibiting her physical strength by flexing her arm, and she appears ready to work, she is at the same time a much more feminine depiction than Rockwell’s. Felder states that the media “preferred to highlight the more feminine qualities of American’s Rosies.”(35) She continues to suggest that these more conventional feminine Riveters emphasized that “she was a housewife and mother at heart, who would (and should) gladly return to her rightful place in the home at the first opportunity.” (36) The realization that magazines could “equate consumerism with patriotism,” led to advertisements, such as Eureka Vacuums making use of Rosie characters. (37) Kimble and Olson note the similarities and differences between these two images in their essay. One important difference is in the feminine appearance of Miller’s Rosie. “Cosmetics affirm

her femininity, including mascara, eyebrow liner, a hint of lipstick, and fingernail polish on one well- manicured fingernail.”(38) Furthermore,  the tools that she would use are not present in her portrait, unlike the riveter included in Rockwell’s.

Kimble and Olson suggest that Rockwell’s image had an impact on many women, not just those in the working class. Rockwell’s Rosie the Riveter would have changed the views of wealthier women, for example, by gaining their approval of the female workers, and even prompt them to “avidly support their decisions concerning their public performances of womanhood.” (39)

Liberty Girl, (Figure 15) which Rockwell also made for the Post in 1943, also represents the notion of the American woman who could take care of anything that the country needed of her. In a sort of stars-and-stripes uniform, the girl marches along, covered head to toe with all manners of tools and equipment. In these images, Rockwell almost turns these women into soldiers themselves, soldiers who are equipped to maintain and work for their country while the men are overseas defending it. The girl carries gardening tools, watering cans, milk bottles, a tool kit, and various other objects portrayed with Rockwell’s obsessive attention to detail. Rockwell produced many images celebrating the hard work and dedication of soldiers, but these images remind viewers that women also represent American patriotism and work ethic.

Figure 15. Norman Rockwell,
Liberty Girl: September 4, 1943.

In both Rosie the Riveter and Liberty Girl, each woman is the sole figure, existing in an almost empty and nondescript setting, making them the clear focus of their respective compositions. The emphasis of the American flag is highly noticeable in both, in the background of Rosie, and actually worn by Liberty Girl, drawing the essential connection between woman and country in each portrait.

Shortly after Rosie the Riveter and Liberty Girl came Fixing a Flat, from August 3, 1946. [Image 16] This is an image in which Rockwell truly places his female characters within space and a narrative. In this scene, nearest to the viewer appears a broken down car and two young ladies attending to the flat tire. Behind them and up on a hilltop strewn with garbage and goats is an old dilapidated cabin. On the porch sits a man lounging and smoking. The sign reads “NO TRESPASS,” but with both of the “S”s backwards. The man shows no signs of offering help to the young women, who also seem perfectly capable to handle the situation. Both girls wear nice dresses, one holds the tire while the other, lying on her belly on a towel, is using tools to work.

Figure 16. Norman Rockwell,
Fixing a Flat: August 3, 1946.

This image not only shows women as the active figures, but contrasts them with the seemingly lazy male figure. He is almost more a part of the setting than the narrative. In a broader sense, this scene suggests, in a way, the notion of women moving up in the world. Felder notes that after the war, after the men came home, women were conscious of this shift: “ American women had been altered irrevocably by their experiences during WWII. They had helped to make victory possible, and they knew it. Neither they nor their daughters would forget the historical moment when millions of women began to see the promise of equality in the workplace.”(40)  She also notes, however that “the values of postwar America, the disruptions of wartime, and the beginning of the baby boom would lead more women back to the home and to idealized suburban lives…” The two women in Rockwell’s image are not two completely lost and helpless young women, unable to fix their flat tire and relying on the man to come to their rescue. Rather, they are seen as “pretty, neat, and practical.”(41) There may be the suggestion that they are better educated than the man, who writes two of the S’s in “trespass” backwards. A few years after this image would mark a period of time where it was more common for young women to attend college – in 1949 Harvard Law school announced that it would be admitting women for the first time.(42) While there was still an overwhelming expectation for women to fill the role of housewife and mother, a movement towards college education was clearly beginning.

By the 1950s, Norman Rockwell became increasingly associated with the image of the Post.(43) As time progressed, cover images of women in general appear to have escaped the beauty queen convention of the 20s and 30s. At this time it was no longer just Rockwell portraying women as active participants of narratives. Works by Amos Sewell, George Hughes, and others create narratives involving or even focusing on the lives of women. These depictions of women shown by other illustrators, however, still seem to lack a certain depth of feeling found in Rockwell’s work at this time. For example, Amos Sewell’s September 12, 1959 cover (Figure 17) is an example of a humorous narrative that focuses on a woman, much like Rockwell’s images. Here a relieved mother is shown lounging on the couch while, beyond the window, her children are walking out to get onto the school bus. Shoes kicked off and feet up, she sips her coffee and reads the paper with a weary but happy expression. While this image is a sweet and humorous depiction of daily life, it reads as a one-liner where the viewer is not really meant to engage with the character depicted or learn anything about her.

Figure 17. Amos Sewell,
Morning Coffee Break: September 12, 1959.

In contrast, Rockwell’s Girl at the Mirror.[Figure 18] does precisely the opposite, encouraging the viewer, through mood, composition, and art historical reference, to contemplate the individual who is depicted.At first glance, itappears to possess a very different mood than more stereotypical Rockwell paintings. Painted in 1954, the scene is mostly dark, with the brightest part of the composition being the young girl and her reflection. While she is a child, this girl is not the young and tomboy-ish little girls featured in so many of Rockwell’s covers, such as Girl with a Black Eye or Day in the Life of a Little Girl. Instead, we are witnessing a quiet and intimate moment – the girl, with a magazine opened to a page revealing movie star Jane Russell, sits in this dark room before a mirror, contemplating her own appearance. Some lipstick and a hairbrush scattered at her bare feet, and a doll off to the side, it is immediately apparent that this girl is on the verge of leaving behind her childhood toys and her innocent unawareness of her appearance, and entering into the stage of her life where Hollywood and advertisers’ ideas of beauty are suddenly powerful forces in her understanding of her identity.

Figure 18. Norman Rockwell,
Girl at the Mirror: March 6, 1954.

Rockwell later regretted including the magazine with the glamorous movie star, saying “The little girl is not wondering if she looks like the star, but just trying to estimate her own charms.”(44) While it still remains somewhat uncertain then what she is estimating her charms against, Rockwell’s regret about the inclusion of the star is nonetheless important to keep in mind. The meaning of the image moves away from being about Hollywood or commercial expectations of beauty with the knowledge that the inclusion of the magazine in the picture was not entirely intentional. We are left with a young girl in a white slip, hair elaborately braded and face adorned with lipstick and blush, simply looking at herself. Rockwell’s statement of regret also shows quite definitively that he did not feel that young girls ought to be looking to Hollywood actresses as a means of shaping themselves or their expectations of beauty. Despite the fact that this sort of image was not unfamiliar or unwelcome at the Saturday Evening Post, Rockwell does not seem interested in defending these images or the influence they may have had on young women.

The setting of Girl at the Mirror also, aside from the magazine cover, removes the girl from any signals of modern or consumerist culture. Aside from the timeless looking setting, Richard Halpern points out in his book Norman Rockwell: The Underside of Innocence, that the subject of a woman looking into a mirror is a convention in history, “of which Rockwell was surely aware.” (45) This convention could be described as “vanitas” images in art history, which highlight human vanity, however Rockwell’s image seems to focus more on coming of age and identity. Halpern continues; “Often reclining, or alone at her toilette, she is set apart from the world of history and heroic achievement occupied by male figures.” His argument progresses to describe the fleeting nature of female beauty and a comparison between Girl at the Mirror and depictions of the Goddess Venus, however this excerpt is of interest because it describes this scene as a means of setting oneself apart from male heroes in history. In this instance, the girl has removed herself from everyone, focusing on her own “charms,” and individuality. By putting this on a cover of a major magazine, Rockwell begs the viewer also to experience from this girl’s perspective, this act of reflection.

Despite being so admired for his talented depictions of children, Rockwell also contributed much more sensitive and observant depictions of women to the cover of the Saturday Evening Post. Rockwell incorporated women into his witty narrative scenes, granting them equality to, and often favor over, the men he depicted. These works seemed to subconsciously prefigure later feminist assertions, like those of Mulvey, about the woman’s place in visual depictions.. Between the 1920s and 1940s particularly, there was not pressure on illustrators to depict women in a more inclusive way, and as is evident by the many other Post artists, Rockwell was ahead of his time in this respect.

End Notes

1) Laurie Norton Moffatt, “Norman Rockwell Museum: Collections in Context.” In American Chronicles: The Art of Norman Rockwell, Linda Szekely Pero (Stockbridge Massachusetts: The Norman Rockwell Museum, 2007.), 8.
2) Deborah G. Felder, A Century of Women The Most Influential Events in Twentieth-Century Women’s History (New York: Kensington Publishing Corp., 2003), 97.
3) Felder, A Century of Women, 146.
4) Ibid, 245.
5) Anne Knutson, “The Saturday Evening Post.” In Norman Rockwell Pictures for the American People, Maurine Hart Hennessey and Anne Knutson (New York: Harry N. Abrams, Inc., 2000), 145.
6) Ibid, 12
7) Ibid,12.
8) Theodore Peterson, Magazines in the Twentieth Century (Urbana, Illinois: University of Illinois Press, 1956), 13.
9) Jan Cohn, Creating America: George Horace Lorimer and the Saturday Evening Post (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1989), 27
10) Cohn, Creating America, 266.
11) Norman Rockwell and Tom Rockwell, My Adventures as an Illustrator (New York: Harry N. Abrams, Incorporated, 1988) 288.
12) Cohn, Creating America, 5.
13) Knutson, “The Saturday Evening Post,”144.
14) Jan Cohn, Creating America, 65.
15) Ibid, 66.
16) Cohn, Creating America, 67.
17) Rockwell, My Adventures as an Illustrator, 106.
18) Ibid, 104.
19) Ibid, 107.
20) Rockwell, My Adventures as an Illustrator, 102.
21) Ibid, 34.
22) Cohn, Creating America, 81.
23) Ibid, 81.
24) Rockwell, My Adventures as an Illustrator, 284
25) Jan Cohn, Covers of the Saturday Evening Post: Seventy Years of Outstanding Illustration from America’s Favorite Magazine (New York: Penguin Books Ltd, 1995), 89. .
26) Laura Mulvey, “Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema,” in Screen (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1975), 62.
27) Mulvey, Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema, 63.
28) Jan Cohn Jan Cohn, Covers of the Saturday Evening Post: Seventy Years of Outstanding Illustration from America’s Favorite Magazine (New York: Penguin Books USA Inc, 1995), 143-144.
29) Cohn, Covers of the Saturday Evening Post, 174.
30) Felder, A Century of Women, 169.
31) Ibid., 170.
32) James J. Kimble and Lester C. Olson, “Visual Rhetoric Representing Rosie the Riveter: Myth and Misconception in J. Howard Miller’s ‘We Can Do It!’ Poster,” Project Muse: Scholarly Journals Online, 541.
33) Kimble and Olson, “Visual Representation,” 541.
34) Ibid., 541.
35) Felder, A Century of Women, 171.
36)Ibid, 171.
37) Ibid, 171.
38) Kimble and Olson, “Visual Representation,” 539.
39) Ibid, 543.
40) Felder, A Century of Women, 172.
41) Christopher Finch, Reader’s Digest Norman Rockwell’s America, ed. John L. Hochmann(New York: Harry N. Abrams, Inc., Publishers), 38.
42) Felder, A Century of Women, 181.
43) Cohn, Covers of the Saturday Evening Post, 216.
44)Diana Denny, “Rockwell’s Favorite Model, Part III,” Saturday Evening Post Society, accessed December 10, 2013,
45) Richard Halpern, The Underside of Innocence (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2006), 118.


Cohn, Jan. Covers of the Saturday Evening Post: Seventy Years of Outstanding

Illustration from America’s Favorite Magazine. New York: Penguin Group USA Inc., 1995.

Cohn, Jan. Creating America: George Horace Lorimer and the Saturday Evening Post.

Pittsburgh, Pa.: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1989.

Denny, Diana. “Rockwell’s Favorite Model, Part III,” Norman Rockwell Society.

Accessed December 1, 2013.

Felder, Deborah G. A Century of Women. New York: Kensington Publishing Corp.,


Finch, Christopher. Reader’s Digest Norman Rockwell’s America. New York: Harry N.

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of Chicago Press, 2006.

Kimble, James J and Lester C. Olson. “Visual Rhetoric Representing Rosie the Riveter:

Myth and Misconception in J. Howard Miller’s ‘We Can Do It!’ Poster,” Project Muse: Scholarly Journals Online.(10 Dec, 2013.)

Knuttson, Anne. “The Saturday Evening Post,” In Pictures for the American People,

Anne Knuttson and Maureen Hart Hennessey. New York, London: Harry N. Abrams, 1999.

Moffatt, Laurie Norton, “Norman Rockwell Museum: Collection in Context.” In

American Chronicles: The Art of Norman Rockwell, Linda Szekely Pero, 8-25.

Mulvey, Laura, “Visual Pleasure in Narrative Cinema,” In Screen (1975) 57-68.

Pero, Linda Szekely. American Chronicles: The Art of Norman Rockwell.

Massachusetts: Norman Rockwell Museum, 2007.

Peterson, Theodore, Magazines and the Twentieth Century. Urbana: University of

Illinois Press, 1956.

Rockwell, Norman, and Tom Rockwell. My Adventures as an Illustrator. Garden City,

NY: Doubleday, 1960.

Rosie the Riveter (detail): May 29, 1943. SEP.

Beyond Objectification: Norman Rockwell’s

Depictions of Women for the Saturday Evening Post

Haley M. Palmore

Art History Senior Thesis Seminar
Jenny Carson
December 19, 2013

It is widely accepted that Norman Rockwell reflected the American experience and identity through, among other work, his covers for the Saturday Evening Post, (1) however his work also notes the diversity within the American experience. Rockwell seems to take special care to create images defining not only the American identity, but more specifically the experience of women in America. His career, from his first Saturday Evening Post cover in 1916 and going well into the 1970s, overlapped with almost constant progression in women’s rights. From the decision of Congress to endorse the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920, a great success for the National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA), (2) the flight of Amelia Earhart in 1932, (3) the shifting role of women during World War II era of the 1940s, the prohibition of sex discrimination by employers in the 1964 by the Civil Rights Act, (4) and so many more momentous events leading up to the ever more numerous milestones in the 1960s and 1970s. All of these events contributed to a shifting presence of women in society. As much as Rockwell is often categorized as conservative and old fashioned, a closer look at the narratives he creates shows subtle, yet undeniable, resistance to old-fashioned gender roles and conventions in art and advertisements.

Because the Saturday Evening Post was so prevalent in the lives of Americans, Rockwell’s images reached a wide audience and carried great cultural influence. By 1929, the Saturday Evening Post had a readership of around 20 million, having far more influence than movies and radio, and even competing magazines (5). Cyrus Curtis [Figure 1.] purchased the magazine, which was essentially dying out, in 1897 for only $1,000, and at the time it had a circulation of only 2,231 (6). He originally envisioned that the magazine would be for men, however it was eventually realized that while men were purchasing the magazine, the new business-related stories and articles that the new Post now promoted also appealed very much to their wives (7).

Figure 1. Cyrus Curtis circa 1913         Figure 2. George Horace Lorimer 1922.

Magazines were relatively affordable, at five or ten cents apiece, making them an widely accessible source of information and entertainment for a large audience (8). Much of the Post’s growth in success is attributed to the young editor that Curtis hired, George Horace Lorimer, [Figure 2.] who became editor in 1899 (9) and retired in 1937 (10). In his autobiography, Rockwell says that “[Lorimer] had built the Post; it had been nothing and he’d made it a great magazine – his magazine.” (11) An early and prominent editor of the Post, Lorimer, had the conscious goal of creating an American identity, as he felt the country lacked this sense of Americanism (12). Rockwell’s images, in a way, were exactly in line with Lorimer’s desires for the Post.(13)

Attracting a female audience became a goal of the Post in the early 1900’s, and the magazine tried multiple approaches. In her study of George Horace Lorimer’s time at the Post, Jan Cohn describes the early Post’sattempt at including a female viewership, and notes that their approach relied heavily on advertising and promoting consumerism. The Post announced on June 28, 1908 that the previously young business-man-oriented magazine was “Not for Men Only.” (14) Curtis, owner of both the Post and Ladies Home Journal, explained that the Journal was geared towards women to “give you people [advertisers] who manufacture things that American women want and buy a chance to tell them about your products.” (15) Such was the attitude Curtis directed toward his female readership, and the Post, at first, was no different. Women were the main purchasers of goods in the country, something that the magazine recognized. Cohn describes the magazine’s progression from simply targeting adds for female consumers, to writing articles about women, but not really directed toward them as readers, to finally writing articles for women to read that were not merely about products that they should buy. All of this took place before Rockwell began working for the Post, however it seems consumerism and female readership are often still associated.(16)

Rockwell’s awareness of the Post’s aesthetic and method of depicting women is clear, even before he began working for the magazine. As a young artist, one of Norman Rockwell’s fantasies was to have a picture of on the cover of the Post. (17). Knowing that it was popular to portray beautiful women on magazine covers, Rockwell had prepared a few elegant scenes with women and ballerinas for his much-anticipated first visit to editor George Lorimer of the Saturday Evening Post. Having become tired of creating work for mainly children’s publications, Rockwell was eager for a change and for an adult audience to see his work. (18) A cartoonist named Clyde Forsythe, a friend of Rockwell’s, encouraged him to submit work to the Post, and eventually succeeded in his efforts. When Rockwell finally gave in, despite his insecurities about his painting, and created two images – one of a man and a gorgeous woman and one of ballerinas – Forsyth had a very negative response.

“C-R-U-D, crud,” he said on seeing them. “Terrible. Awful. Hopeless. You can’t do a beautiful seductive woman. She looks like a tomboy who’s been scrubbed with a rough washcloth and pinned into a new dress by her mother. Give it up. (19)

He continued to say that Rockwell ought to stick to what he drew best, children, and that the Post would love it. Rockwell took his good friend’s advice and the magazine did accept his cover featuring children. While it was images of children that got his foot in the door at the Post, Rockwell did create many covers featuring women throughout his career there – though they never did seem to fit the sensual conventions that Forsyth stressed. Maybe this aspect of his style lent itself to the more honest and relatable depictions of women seen throughout his covers, as opposed to the ever-fashionable stereotypical beauty queens that made other illustrators successful.

One such artist, who made his reputation painting beautiful women, was Coles Phillips. In his autobiography, Rockwell makes a very clear comparison between himself and Philips, who he describes as “the celebrated pretty-girl artist (20).

Every artist has his own peculiar way of looking at life. It determines his treatment of his subject matter. Coles Phillips… and I used to use the same girl as a model. She was attractive, almost beautiful.  But in his paintings, Coles Phillips made her sexy, sophisticated, and wickedly beautiful. When I painted her she became a nice sensible girl, wholesome and rather drab. (21)

In the same conversation, Rockwell recounts “Somebody once said that I paint the kind of women your mother would want you to marry.” Rockwell’s belief that his depictions of women were “drab,” or somehow plain seems a touch too critical. His depictions were not sensual, but rather seem relatable and approachable. This comparison between himself and Coles Phillips directly suggests that it is simply how he sees women as opposed to the way Phillips sees them. The artist’s “peculiar way of looking at life” determines how he portrays his subject. This would seem to be Rockwell’s polite way of pointing out that Phillips looked at women very differently than himself, in a much more sexual and objectifying way.

Looking even at Rockwell’s earlier works for the Post already reveals some notable differences from his contemporaries. Rockwell’s cover from May 3rd 1924, entitled Thoughtful Shopper, [Figure 3] portrays a young girl, bags and merchandise in hand, looking observantly at the old, grouchy shopkeeper. The old man has begrudgingly donned one of the floral hats the girl has selected, holding in hand another, barely able to contain his frustration as the girl takes her time making the careful decision. While the image is not depicting a grown woman, it is addressing an important aspect of the Post’s history; namely consumerism. The issues surrounding advertisement have a particular importance in regards to their female readership.

Figure 3. Norman Rockwell, The       Figure 4. J. C. Leyendecker: April
Thoughtful Shopper: May 3, 1924.     15, 1922.

A simple comparison to Rockwell’s Thoughtful Shopper is another Saturday Evening Post cover from the same time period and of a similar subject matter, by J. C. Leyendecker. Leyendecker was about twenty years older than Rockwell, and was another incredibly influential illustrator for the Post, perhaps only really rivaled by Rockwell himself. In addition, Rockwell admired him. Only a few years prior to Rockwell’s shopper, Leyendecker painted a lovely woman wearing a new hat, with the opened hatbox before her. [Figure 4.] This is an interesting comparison because while it was common for the magazine to feature the typical composition consisting of one beautiful young lady, often holding a prop or wearing something to imply narrative, Rockwell has taken the popular theme of shopping and added his quintessential sweet humor. He creates a much more dynamic and engaging illustration by swapping the beautiful young lady not just for a little girl, but even placing the coveted hat on a wrinkly and angry old man. While it does still acknowledge the theme of femininity and its link to consumerism, Rockwell does something unique: He places a female character within the comic narrative. It is very rare, looking across all illustrations by numerous artists for the Post, to find scenes where a female character is engaged in a humorous narrative. In the 1920s, Post covers by J. C. Leyendecker, Ellen Pyle, Neysa McMein, Pearl L. Hill, and many others, all seem to fall into the standard of beautiful women, in beautiful clothes, often gazing out at the viewer. While the Post may have been trying to appeal more to female readers, Leyendecker’s image of the lady with her new hat would fall into this same category of pictures designed mainly, as Jan Cohn describes, “as objects of beauty and allure.” (22) If it is designed for women at all, it seems likely that it is merely targeting them as consumers. Cohn also aptly describes these types of images as “fetishes of consumerism.” (23) While Thoughtful Shopper may share the same theme of purchasing clothing, Rockwell’s image overcomes both target audiences, making this an image for men, women, or children, and not objectifying female beauty.

It is rare to find covers where Rockwell actually does conform to the popular convention of portraying idealized women. Even examples where he portrays beautiful women, as he said was nearly impossible to break from, he does so with greater sensibility and narrative complexities. In his autobiography, Rockwell explains the challenge of depicting young women because there is an expectation for them to be beautiful and this makes it difficult to create a humorous image:

The one unforgivable sin in illustration is to paint a woman who is not ravishingly beautiful. Even a normal looking woman is barred. A friend of mine was once assigned a story entitled “The Ugly Woman.” He stewed over it for months. Finally he figured that the only thing to do was show the woman’s back. (24)

Along with the expectation that women be depicted as beautiful, there were of course conventions for how men were portrayed. While Rockwell explains that men should also be depicted as handsome, even if they are rugged, he hardly suggests that it is an “unforgivable sin” of illustration to show an average looking man. Looking at other illustrators at this time, it is clear that while Rockwell does, in some ways, give in to this convention of beautiful women on magazine covers, a long tradition with the Post among other magazines, it is notable that his depictions of women generally seem to suggest more about the individual than focusing exclusively on her beauty.

Three Gossips, [Figure 5.] a Post cover by Rockwell from January 12 1929, is an apt example of Rockwell portraying women as the focus of his humorous narratives. While these ladies would be best described in his other common theme of older folks, (25) the artist’s decision to use unglamorous older women instead of young idealized women is what gives this picture its hilarity. Compare this image with John Lagatta’s cover from December 5 1931, just a few years later, of three young ladies sharing a secret. [Image 11]

Figure 5. Norman Rockwell,               Figure 6. John Lagatta, December 5,
Three Gossips: January 12, 1929.       1931.

All three girls in the Lagatta image are dressed elegantly in brightly colored dresses with high-heeled shoes, their expressions and gestures not really hinting at the information they are sharing. In contrast, Rockwell’s gossips are dramatically leaning into the center of the composition, eagerly listening with their faces only inches apart. They also appear to be dressed in elegant clothing, however their exaggerated features, large ears and long skinny necks, are not meant to inspire the viewer to admire their beauty, like the Lagatta gossips do. Looking at Rockwell’s image, the viewer can perhaps imagine, or at least might really like to know, what these women are so intently discussing. In this image, it might be argued that Rockwell is breaking his aforementioned “unforgivable sin of illustration,” to show ordinary looking women. While these ladies are not young, they can’t exactly be described as elderly either. Rockwell, despite the unpopularity of showing less than stunning women, is much more interested in humor. By letting the theme of gossiping be the real focus of this cover, Rockwell creates characters to enhance the comedy of that theme. Lagatta’s female gossipers are beautiful young women before the viewer understands them to be gossiping. Their elegant poses and clothes and the beauty of their delicate faces take priority over the narrative theme of gossip. Rockwell’s ladies can almost be said to be personifying gossip itself, not just partaking in it. Their astonished expressions and eager poses, sitting at the edge of their seats, leave no question to the audience that these women are gossiping.

The narrative element present in Three Gossips is seldom seen in the work of other illustrators – the closest many artists come seems to be found in covers featuring women utilizing props, like a golf club or an engagement ring, to suggest a story. During the 1930s, Rockwell breaks further from the expectations of female centered covers. His April 12, 1930 cover, Girl running with Wet Canvas, [Figure 7.] is such an example of this kind of deviation from the norm. Here, we are shown a pretty young girl who is the sole figure of the cover, however there is something very different about this image than covers created by other artists during the same period. The scene shows a young woman, painting and wet palette in hand, with an easel under her arm and hands filled with art supplies, mid run and looking straight ahead. The focus is not on her fashion or her pretty face, but on the action that she participating in. The cap that has flown from her head emphasizes the sense of urgency and hurry as she sprints. The significance of all this is that something is learned about this individual from this image. Most notably, Rockwell is portraying this young lady as artist, creating a comparison between his status and her own. The focus of this image is not her beauty or her clothes or body, which are obscured by the various objects she holds and the baggy cape like garment that she wears. This scene is also more about the action and humor of her predicament than her appearance. She is within her own narrative, as she looks straight ahead and is unaware of the viewer.

Figure 7. Norman Rockwell,              John Lagatta, Woman and Her Palette:
Girl Running with Wet Canvas           September 9, 1933.

(Wet Paint): April 12, 1930. Thematically, it is useful to compare Rockwell’s Girl Running with a Wet Canvas to John Lagatta’s Artist and Her Palette, [Figure 8.] from September 9, 1933. While this young lady is engaged in the same activity suggested by the Rockwell cover, the approach to the subject has very different connotations. This girl gazes straight out to the viewer, as if the viewer is where her easel, which is not visible, would be placed. She appears to sit on an invisible chair, her only props being the large palette and brushes. While she is wearing a sort of painter’s smock, her rosy cheeks, red lipstick, and something about her clothing seem to evoke the same fashion-oriented sensibilities seen in so many female depictions from this time. Where Rockwell allowed the viewer to see his young woman’s beautifully-rendered landscape, Lagatta only really offers the suggestion that this elegant young woman is a painter. Likewise, Rockwell’s image seems to say something about the nature of being an artist, the hectic frenzy of meeting deadlines and the messiness of the materials, whereas Lagatta’s image is clearly concerned more with pleasing the male gaze. This woman seems to be little more than a slight variation of the many other depictions of stunning women holding props that suggest actions.

While many other artists chose women engaged in an activity as the subject for their covers, the difference in Rockwell’s handling of the theme is quite evident. One example of a fairly typical female depiction, also from the 1930s, can be found in Guy Hoff’s September 17, 1932 Post cover depicting a girl riding a horse.

For other uses, see Rosie the Riveter (disambiguation).

Rosie the Riveter is a cultural icon of World War II, representing the women who worked in factories and shipyards during World War II, many of whom produced munitions and war supplies.[1][2] These women sometimes took entirely new jobs replacing the male workers who joined the military. Rosie the Riveter is used as a symbol of American feminism and women's economic power.[3] Similar images of women war workers appeared in other countries such as Britain and Australia. Images of women workers were widespread in the media as government posters, and commercial advertising was heavily used by the government to encourage women to volunteer for wartime service in factories.[4]Rosie the Riveter became the subject and title of a song and a Hollywood movie during WWII.


Women in the wartime workforce[edit]

Because world wars were total wars which required governments to utilize their entire populations for the purpose of defeating their enemies, millions of women were encouraged to work in industry and take over jobs previously done by men. During World War I women across the United States were employed in jobs previously done by men. World War II was similar to World War I in that massive conscription of men led to a shortage of available workers and therefore a demand for labor which could only be fully filled by employing women.

Nearly 19 million women held jobs during World War II. Many of these women were already working in a lower paying job or were returning to the work force after being laid off during the depression. Only three million new female workers entered the workforce during the time of the war.[5] Although most women took on male dominated trades during World War II, they were expected to return to their everyday housework once men returned from the war. Government campaigns targeting women were addressed solely at housewives, likely because already-employed women would move to the higher-paid "essential" jobs on their own,[6] or perhaps because it was assumed that most would be housewives.[7] One government advertisement asked women: "Can you use an electric mixer? If so, you can learn to operate a drill."[8]:160 Propaganda was also directed at their husbands, many of whom were unwilling to support such jobs.[9] Many of the women who took jobs during World War II were mothers. These women with children at home pooled together in their efforts to raise their families. They assembled into groups and shared such chores as cooking, cleaning and washing clothes. Many who did have young children shared apartments and houses so they could save time, money, utilities and food. If they both worked, they worked different shifts so they could take turns babysitting. Taking on a job during World War II made people unsure if they should urge the women to keep acting as full-time mothers, or support them getting jobs to support the country in this time of need. Being able to support the soldiers by making all different products made the women feel very accomplished and proud of their work. Over 6 million women got war jobs; African American, Hispanic, White, and Asian women worked side by side.[10] In the book A Mouthful of Rivets Vi Kirstine Vrooman shares about the time when she decided to take action and become a riveter. She got a job building B-17s on an assembly line, she shares just how exciting it was saying, 'The biggest thrill — I can't tell you — was when the B-17s rolled off the assembly line. You can't believe the feeling we had. We did it!"[11] Once women accepted the challenge of the workforce they continued to make strong advances towards equal rights.

In 1944, when victory seemed assured for the United States, government-sponsored propaganda changed by urging women back to working in the home. Later, many women returned to traditional work such as clerical or administration positions, despite their reluctance to re-enter the lower-paying fields.[12] However, some of these women continued working in the factories. The overall percentage of women working fell from 36% to 28% in 1947.[13]

The song[edit]

The term "Rosie the Riveter" was first used in 1942 in a song of the same name written by Redd Evans and John Jacob Loeb. The song was recorded by numerous artists, including the popular big band leader Kay Kyser, and it became a national hit.[14] The song portrays "Rosie" as a tireless assembly line worker, who earned a "Production E" doing her part to help the American war effort.[15] The name is said to be a nickname for Rosie Bonavita who was working for Convair in San Diego, California.[16][17][18] The idea of Rosie resembled Veronica Foster, a real person who in 1941 was Canada's poster girl for women in the war effort in "Ronnie, the Bren Gun Girl."[19]

The individual who was the inspiration for the song was Rosalind P. Walter, who "came from old money and worked on the night shift building the F4U Corsair fighter." Later in life Walter was a philanthropist, a board member of the WNET public television station in New York and an early and long-time supporter of the Charlie Rose interview show.[20]

Rosie the Riveter became most closely associated with another real woman, Rose Will Monroe, who was born in Pulaski County, Kentucky[21][22][23] in 1920 and moved to Michigan during World War II. She worked as a riveter at the Willow Run Aircraft Factory in Ypsilanti, Michigan, building B-24 bombers for the U.S. Army Air Forces. Monroe was asked to star in a promotional film about the war effort at home. The song "Rosie the Riveter" was popular at the time,[2] and Monroe happened to best fit the description of the worker depicted in the song.[24] "Rosie" went on to become perhaps the most widely recognized icon of that era. The films and posters she appeared in were used to encourage women to go to work in support of the war effort. At the age of 50, Monroe realized her dream of flying when she obtained a pilot's license. In 1978, she crashed in her small propeller plane when the engine failed during takeoff. The accident resulted in the loss of one kidney and the sight in her left eye, and ended her flying career. She died from kidney failure on May 31, 1997, in Clarksville, Indiana where she was a resident, at the age of 77.[14]

A drama film, Rosie the Riveter, was released in 1944, borrowing from the Rosie theme.

Impact and post-war[edit]

According to the Encyclopedia of American Economic History, "Rosie the Riveter" inspired a social movement that increased the number of working American women from 12 million to 20 million by 1944, a 57% increase from 1940.[citation needed] By 1944 only 1.7 million unmarried men between the ages of 20 and 34 worked in the defense industry, while 4.1 million unmarried women between those ages did so.[25] Although the image of "Rosie the Riveter" reflected the industrial work of welders and riveters during World War II, the majority of working women filled non-factory positions in every sector of the economy. What unified the experiences of these women was that they proved to themselves (and the country) that they could do a "man's job" and could do it well.[26] In 1942, just between the months of January and July, the estimates of the proportion of jobs that would be "acceptable" for women was raised by employers from 29 to 85%.[citation needed] African American women were some of those most affected by the need for women workers.[citation needed] It has been said that it was the process of whites working along blacks during the time that encouraged a breaking down of social barriers and a healthy recognition of diversity.[26]

Women quickly responded to Rosie the Riveter, who convinced them that they had a patriotic duty to enter the workforce. Some claim that she forever opened the work force for women, but others dispute that point, noting that many women were discharged after the war and their jobs were given to returning servicemen.[27] These critics claim that when peace returned, few women returned to their wartime positions and instead resumed domestic vocations or transferred into sex-typed occupations such as clerical and service work.[28] For some, World War II represented a major turning point for women as they eagerly supported the war effort, while other historians emphasize that the changes were temporary and that immediately after the war was over, women were expected to return to traditional roles of wives and mothers, and finally, a third group has emphasized how the long-range significance of the changes brought about by the war provided the foundation for the contemporary woman's movement.[29]Leila J. Rupp in her study of World War II wrote "For the first time, the working woman dominated the public image. Women were riveting housewives in slacks, not mother, domestic beings, or civilizers."[30]

After the war, the "Rosies" and the generations that followed them knew that working in the factories was in fact a possibility for women, even though they did not reenter the job market in such large proportions again until the 1970s. By that time factory employment was in decline all over the country.[citation needed]

Elinor Otto, known as "Last Rosie the Riveter" built airplanes for 50 years, retiring at age 95.[31]


According to Penny Colman's Rosie the Riveter, there was also, very briefly, a "Wendy the Welder" based on Janet Doyle, a worker at the Kaiser Richmond Liberty Shipyards in California.[32]

In the 1960s, Hollywood actress Jane Withers gained fame as "Josephine the Plumber", a character in a long-running and popular series of television commercials for "Comet" cleansing powder that lasted into the 1970s. This character was based on the original "Rosie" character.[33]

One of Carnival Cruise Line's ships, the Carnival Valor, has a restaurant located on the lido deck named Rosie's Restaurant. The restaurant is mostly a tribute to Rosie, but also contains artwork depicting other war-related manufacturing and labor.

In 2010, singer Pink paid tribute to Rosie by dressing as her for a portion of the music video for the song "Raise Your Glass".

The 2013 picture book Rosie Revere, Engineer by Andrea Beaty, features Rosie as "Great Great Aunt Rose" who "Worked building aeroplanes a long time ago". She inspires Rosie Revere, the young subject of the book, to continue striving to be a great engineer despite early failures. Rose is shown wielding a walking stick made from riveted aircraft aluminum.[34]

Singer Beyoncé Knowles paid tribute to Rosie in July 2014, dressing as the icon and posing in front of a "We Can Do It!" sign identical to the original one often mistaken as part of the Rosie campaign. It garnered over 1.15 million likes, but sparked minor controversy when newspaper The Guardian criticized it.[35]

Other recent cultural references include a Big Daddy enemy type called "Rosie" in the video game BioShock,[36] armed with a rivet gun. There is a DC Comics character called Rosie The Riveter, who wields a rivet gun as a weapon (first appearing in Green Lantern vol. 2 No. 176 (May 1984)). In the video game Fallout 3 there are billboards featuring "Rosies" assembling atom bombs while drinking Nuka-Cola.


The Life and Times of Rosie the Riveter by Connie Field is a 65-minute documentary from 1980 that tells the story of women's entrance into "men's work" during WWII. Rosies of the North is a 1999 National Film Board of Canada documentary film about Canadian "Rosies," who built fighter and bomber aircraft at the Canadian Car and Foundry,[37] where Elsie MacGill was also the Chief Aeronautical Engineer.

John Crowley's 2009 historical novel Four Freedoms covers the wartime industries, and studies the real working conditions of many female industrial workers. "Rosie the Riveter" is frequently referenced.

On October 14, 2000, the Rosie the Riveter/World War II Home Front National Historical Park was opened in Richmond, California, site of four Kaiser shipyards, where thousands of "Rosies" from around the country worked (although ships at the Kaiser yards were not riveted, but rather welded).[38] Over 200 former Rosies attended the ceremony.[39][40][2]

Also in 2014 a nationwide program, run by the organization Thanks! Plain and Simple, was founded to encourage cities to pick a project that "Rosies" can do with younger generations, in order to educate young people about women's roles in World War II, and to involve the "Rosies", many of whom have become isolated as they have gotten older, in community projects.[41]

The name and logo of the New York Riveters, one of the founding members of the National Women's Hockey League, are inspired by the character of Rosie The Riveter.

The Rose City Riveters is the fan "Army" of supporters for the Portland Thorns Football Club, a National Women's Soccer League team in Portland, Oregon, a.k.a. The Rose City. These modern-day "Rosies" have taken their inspiration (and their name) from more than 30,000 Rosies who worked in the Portland shipyards in Portland during World War II.[42]. The Riveters have activated the fan base and made the Thorns FC "...the most well-supported women's club team in the world...currently averaging over 17,000 fans per game," in 2017.[43]


Westinghouse poster[edit]

Main article: We Can Do It!

In 1942, Pittsburgh artist J. Howard Miller was hired by the Westinghouse Company's War Production Coordinating Committee to create a series of posters for the war effort. One of these posters became the famous "We Can Do It!" image—an image that in later years would also be called "Rosie the Riveter", though it was never given this title during the war. Miller is thought to have based his "We Can Do It!" poster on a United Press International wire service photograph taken of a young female war worker, widely but erroneously reported as being a photo of Michigan war worker Geraldine Hoff (later Doyle.)[44] More recent evidence indicates that the formerly mis-identified photo is actually of war worker Naomi Parker (later Fraley) taken at Alameda Naval Air Station in California.[45][46][47][48] The "We Can Do It!" poster was displayed only to Westinghouse employees in the Midwest during a two-week period in February 1943, then it disappeared for nearly four decades. During the war, the name "Rosie" was not associated with the image, and the purpose of the poster was not to recruit women workers but rather as motivational propaganda aimed at workers of both sexes already employed at Westinghouse. It was only later, in the early 1980s, that the Miller poster was rediscovered and became famous, associated with feminism, and often mistakenly called "Rosie the Riveter".[49][50][51][52]

Saturday Evening Post[edit]

Norman Rockwell's image of "Rosie the Riveter" received mass distribution on the cover of the Saturday Evening Post on Memorial Day, May 29, 1943. Rockwell's illustration features a brawny woman taking her lunch break with a rivet gun on her lap and beneath her penny loafer a copy of Hitler's manifesto, Mein Kampf. Her lunch box reads "Rosie"; viewers quickly recognized this to be "Rosie the Riveter" from the familiar song.[54] Rockwell, America's best-known popular illustrator of the day, based the pose of his 'Rosie' on that of Michelangelo's 1509 painting Prophet Isaiah from the Sistine Chapel ceiling. Rosie is holding a ham sandwich in her left hand, and her blue overalls are adorned with badges and buttons: a Red Cross blood donor button, a white "V for Victory" button, a Blue Star Mothers pin, an Army-Navy E Service production award pin, two bronze civilian service awards, and her personal identity badge.[55] Rockwell's model was a Vermont resident, 19-year-old Mary Doyle, who was a telephone operator near where Rockwell lived, not a riveter. Rockwell painted his "Rosie" as a larger woman than his model, and he later phoned to apologize.[55] In a post interview, Mary explained that she was actually holding a sandwich while posing for the poster and that the rivet-gun she was holding was fake, she never saw Hitler's copy of Mein Kampf, and she did have a white handkerchief in her pocket like the picture depicts.[56] The Post's cover image proved hugely popular, and the magazine loaned it to the U.S. Treasury Department for the duration of the war, for use in war bond drives.[57]

After the war, the Rockwell "Rosie" was seen less and less because of a general policy of vigorous copyright protection by the Rockwell estate. In 2002, the original painting sold at Sotheby's for nearly $5 million.[57] In June 2009 the Crystal Bridges Museum of American Art in Bentonville, Arkansas acquired Norman Rockwell's iconic Rosie the Riveter painting for its permanent collection from a private collector.[58]

In late 1942, Doyle posed twice for Rockwell's photographer, Gene Pelham, as Rockwell preferred to work from still images rather than live models. The first photo was not suitable because she wore a blouse rather than a blue work shirt. In total, she was paid $10 for her modeling work (equivalent to $141 in 2017). In 1949 she married Robert J. Keefe to become Mary Doyle Keefe. The Keefes were invited and present in 2002 when the Rockwell painting was sold at Sotheby's.[59]

In an interview in 2014, Keefe said that she had no idea what impact the painting would have. "I didn't expect anything like this, but as the years went on, I realized that the painting was famous," she said. Keefe died on April 21, 2015, in Connecticut at the age of 92.[60]

See also[edit]


  1. ^Rosie's proud of her band of sisters by Kevin Cullen, Seattle Times, May 30, 2004
  2. ^ abcSheridan Harvey (August 1, 2006). ""Rosie the Riveter: Real Women Workers in World War II" (Transcript of video presentation)". Library of Congress. Retrieved August 14, 2007. 
  3. ^Switky, W. Raymond Duncan, Barbara Jancar-Webster, Bob (2008). World Politics in the Twenty-first Century Brief (Student choice ed.). Boston: Houghton Mifflin College Div. p. 268. ISBN 978-0-547-05634-0. 
  4. ^Tawnya J. Adkins Covert, Manipulating Images: World War II Mobilization of Women through Magazine Advertising (2011)
  5. ^Keene, Jennifer; Cornell, Saul; O'Donnell, Edward (2013). Visions of America, A History of the United States (2 ed.). Pearson Education Inc. pp. 697–698. ISBN 9780205092666. 
  6. ^Leila J. Rupp, Mobilizing Women for War, p 142, ISBN 0-691-04649-2
  7. ^Maureen Honey, Creating Rosie the Riveter: Class, Gender and Propaganda during World War II, p 24, ISBN 0-87023-453-6
  8. ^Kennett, Lee (1985). For the duration... : the United States goes to war, Pearl Harbor-1942. New York: Scribner. ISBN 0-684-18239-4. 
  9. ^Emily Yellin, Our Mothers' War, p 45 ISBN 0-7432-4514-8
  10. ^"We Can Do It!". Retrieved 2016-11-29. 
  11. ^Wise (1994). A Mouthful of Rivets: Women at Work in World War II. San Francisco: Jossey- Bass. ISBN 9781555427030.  
  12. ^Maureen Honey, Creating Rosie the Riveter: Class, Gender and Propaganda during World War II, p 23, ISBN 0-87023-453-6
  13. ^Keene, Jennifer; Cornell, Saul; O'Donnell, Edward (2013). Visions of America, A History of the United States (2 ed.). Pearson Education Inc. p. 698. ISBN 9780205092666. 
  14. ^ abMarcano, Tony (June 2, 1997). "Famed Riveter In War Effort, Rose Monroe Dies at 77". The New York Times. 
  15. ^"Rosie the Riveter: Real Women Workers in World War II". Journeys and Crossings. Library of Congress. Retrieved October 8, 2009. 
  16. ^Sickels, Robert (2004). The 1940s. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 48. ISBN 9780313312991. Retrieved 5 February 2013. 
  17. ^Young, William H.; Young, Nancy K. (2010). World War II and the Postwar Years in America: A Historical and Cultural Encyclopedia, Volume 1. ABC-CLIO. p. 606. ISBN 9780313356520. Retrieved 5 February 2013. 
  18. ^Ambrose, Stephen E. (2001). The Good Fight: How World War II Was Won. Simon and Schuster. p. 42. ISBN 9780689843617. Retrieved 5 February 2013. 
  19. ^"Ronnie the Bren Gun Girl". Toronto Star. 15 March 2010. Retrieved 8 April 2013. 
  20. ^Kaplan, David A., "Why business loves Charlie Rose"Fortune magazine, last updated September 28, 2009 10:04 pm ET. Retrieved September 2, 2010.
  21. ^"Kentucky Department for Libraries and Archives – County of the Month: Pulaski County, Kentucky". Archived from the original on November 13, 2010. Retrieved April 9, 2011. 
  22. ^"Pulaski's Past Historical Preservation Society – The Original "Rosie the Riveter" Rose Will (Leigh) Monroe". Retrieved January 15, 2012. 
  23. ^"Raia Honors "Rosie The Riveters" For Their Efforts During WW II New York State Assembly". December 7, 1941. Retrieved April 9, 2011. [permanent dead link]
  24. ^"'Rosie the Riveter' star dead at 77". Associated Press. June 2, 1997. Archived from the original on November 16, 2007. Retrieved August 14, 2007. 
  25. ^Starr, Kevin (2003). Embattled Dreams: California in War and Peace, 1940–1950. Oxford University Press. p. 129. ISBN 0-19-516897-6. 
  26. ^ abWare, Susan. Modern American Women: A Documentary History. 2nd edition. Boston: McGraw-Hill, 2002.
  27. ^Lapsansky-Werner, Emma J. United States History: Modern America. Boston, MA: Pearson Learning Solutions, 2011. Print. Pg 361 - 362
  28. ^Maureen Honey, Creating Rosie the Riveter: Class, Gender, and Propaganda during World War II. Amherst. University of Massachusetts Press. 1984
  29. ^Liftoff, Judy. Rosie the Riveter. Americans at War Ed. John Resch. Vol. 3. Detroit: Macmillan Reference USA, 2005. 171–174. 4 vols. Gale Virtual Reference Library. Gale Pepperdine University SCLEC April 13, 2010
  30. ^Rupp, Leila J. (1978). Mobilizing Women for War: German and American Propaganda, 1939–1945. Princeton: Princeton U.P. ISBN 0-691-04649-2. 
  31. ^Nittle, Nadra (25 October 2014). "'Last Rosie the Riveter,' Elinor Otto of Long Beach, to be honored". Press-Telegram: Veteran Affairs. Retrieved 31 March 2015. 
  32. ^Colman, Penny (1995). Rosie the Riveter: Women Workers on the Home Front in World War II. Crown Publishers, Inc. New York. ISBN 0-517-88567-0. 
  33. ^Enderland, Ron (July 30, 2007). "Josephine the Plumber". I Remember JFK. Retrieved November 3, 2012. 
  34. ^Beaty, Andrea. "Rosie Revere, Engineer". Retrieved May 7, 2015. 
  35. ^Winson, Rebecca (July 23, 2014). "Sorry Beyoncé, Rosie the Riveter is no feminist icon. Here's why". The Guardian. Retrieved April 6, 2015. 
  36. ^2K Staff. "BEYOND THE SEA: The Beginnings Of BioShock's Big Daddy". 2K Games. Retrieved July 29, 2016. 
  37. ^"Rosies of the North". Documentary film. National Film Board of Canada. 1999. Retrieved 3 October 2014. 
  38. ^"Richmond Shipyards". Retrieved August 14, 2007. 
  39. ^Brown, Patricia Leigh (October 22, 2000). "Rosie the Riveter Honored in California Memorial". The New York Times. Retrieved August 14, 2007. 
  40. ^"About the Rosie the Riveter Memorial Design". Rosie the Riveter Trust. Retrieved August 14, 2007. 
  41. ^"Real-life 'Rosie the Riveter' women share their stories and philosophy". Washington Post. 
  42. ^
  43. ^Goldberg, Jamie (September 29, 2017). ""Timbers' daughters find inspiration with the Thorns"". Oregonian. 
  44. ^"Tale of two Rosie the Riveters untangled". Lansing State Journal. Retrieved 2016-03-01. 
  45. ^Fox, Margalit (January 22, 2018). "Naomi Parker Fraley, the Real Rosie the Riveter, Dies at 96". The New York Times. Retrieved January 22, 2018. 
  46. ^"Pretty Naomi Parker is as easy to look at as overtime pay on the... News Photo | Getty Images". Retrieved 2018-01-23. 
  47. ^"Museum Collections, U.S. National Park Service -". Retrieved 2016-03-01. 
  48. ^"Naomi Parker Fraley". Retrieved 2016-03-01. 
  49. ^Sharp, Gwen; Wade, Lisa (January 4, 2011). "Sociological Images: Secrets of a feminist icon"(PDF). Contexts. 10 (2): 82–83. ISSN 1536-5042. 
  50. ^"'Rosie the Riveter' is not the same as 'We Can Do It!'". Docs Populi. Retrieved January 23, 2012.  Excerpted from:
    Cushing, Lincoln; Drescher, Tim (2009). Agitate! Educate! Organize!: American Labor Posters. ILR Press/Cornell University Press. ISBN 0-8014-7427-2. 
  51. ^Kimble, James J.; Olson, Lester C. (Winter 2006). "Visual Rhetoric Representing Rosie the Riveter: Myth and Misconception in J. Howard Miller's 'We Can Do It!' Poster". Rhetoric & Public Affairs. 9 (4): 533–569. 
  52. ^Bird, William L.; Rubenstein, Harry R. (1998). Design for Victory: World War II posters on the American home front. Princeton Architectural Press. p. 78. ISBN 1-56898-140-6. 
  53. ^"Norman Rockwell, Rosie the Riveter". Smarthistory at Khan Academy. Retrieved February 6, 2016.
A "Rosie" working on the A-31 Vengeance bomber in Nashville, Tennessee (1943)
Women workers in the ordnance shops of Midvale Steel and Ordnance Company in Nicetown, Pennsylvania during World War I
Cover of the published music to the 1942 song
Norman Rockwell's Saturday Evening Post 1943 cover featuring Rosie the Riveter


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